( – promoted by JulieWaters)
(Excellent work, ntodd. Page break inserted so the front page is a bit more user-friendly –jvwalt)
Bruce Shields at the Ethan Allen Institute is upset that people are mobilizing to reduce the influence corporate money has on our democracy. Of course he wraps himself in the warm blanket of free speech, assuming his conclusion as his premise that corporations have such rights.
He does not begin well:
The [Saving American Democracy (SAD) amendment] effort hopes to overturn a 2010 U.S. Supreme Court case titled Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, which the left claims first introduced the idea that corporations are people.
Strawmen shouldn't play with fire.
“The left” has never made such claims. We know that there has always been some sense of collective quasi-personhood under the law since corporations have existed, and we know that Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad (1886) gave us the fiction that corporations enjoy the same 14th Amendment protections that real humans do.
We also know that Federal campaign finance law was gutted by Citizens United, and we're now reaping the whirlwind before the general election season has even started. So people have mobilized to clarify some aspects of the Constitution through the amendment process.
In attacking the right of groups and associations of citizens to speak out in the election process, the left is mounting a frontal attack on the principle of free of speech and association.
Actually the right to free association will still exist–we're not proposing to get rid of corporations, or unions for that matter (in contrast to the fine Republican state governments attacking workers' rights). And those individuals who make up those associations will still have their rights to speech.
As an aside, I'll observe literalists who like to point out there are no words like “privacy” in our Constitution, might also notice there is no specific right to “free association” in the 1st Amendment. Yet such a right has been assumed for a long time, as documented in NAACP v Alabama:
Effective advocacy of both public and private points of view, particularly controversial ones, is undeniably enhanced by group association, as this Court has more than once recognized by remarking upon the close nexus between the freedoms of speech and assembly. De Jonge v. Oregon, 299 U.S. 353, 364 ; Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516, 530 . It is beyond debate that freedom to engage in association for the advancement of beliefs and ideas is an inseparable aspect of the “liberty” assured by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which embraces freedom of speech. See Gitlow v. New York, 268 U.S. 652, 666 ; Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 324 ; Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 303 ; Staub v. City of Baxley, 355 U.S. 313, 321 . Of course, it is immaterial whether the beliefs sought to be advanced by association pertain to political, economic, religious or cultural matters, and state action which may have the effect of curtailing the freedom to associate is subject to the closest scrutiny.
Of course, when this was decided in 1958, states were actively engaged in denying individuals rights across the board, so group association and advocacy was an important part of overcoming institutional racism and oppression. In the case of corporations, nobody is suggesting they don't have the right to do business–as Alabama was trying to do with the NAACP–merely that they have such enhanced ability to advocate for their own interests through massive fortunes so we need to restore some balance through Constitutional means.
Bruce continues:
Corporations have been recognized as persons ever since English courts of law first protected incorporation from royal prerogative in the 16th century. Incorporation protects the property and the rights of individual persons precisely because it affirms the social utility of a group of people organized to function as one person before the law.
This principle was brilliantly enunciated by Daniel Webster in his famous brief and affirmed by the Supreme Court almost 200 years ago in the pivotal constitutional case, Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward. Chief Justice John Marshall’s opinion in the Dartmouth College case contains a detailed history and affirmation of corporate personhood and declares that corporate persons enjoy every right guaranteed in the Constitution.
Indeed, Webster made an excellent case and referred to the Bill of Rights. Yet in that decision, Chief Justice Marshall wrote:
A corporation is an artificial being, invisible, intangible, and existing only in contemplation of law. Being the mere creature of law, it possesses only those properties which the charter of its creation confers upon it, either expressly, or as incidental to its very existence. These are such as are supposed best calculated to effect the object for which it was created. Among the most important are immortality, and, if the expression may be allowed, individuality; properties, by which a perpetual succession of many persons are considered as the same, and may act as a single individual. They enable a corporation to manage its own affairs, and to hold property, without the perplexing intricacies, the hazardous and endless necessity, of perpetual conveyances for the purpose of transmitting it from hand to hand. It is chiefly for the purpose of clothing bodies of men, in succession, with these qualities and capacities, that corporations were invented, and are in use. By these means, a perpetual succession of individuals are capable of acting for the promotion of the particular object, like one immortal being. But this being does not share in the civil government of the country, unless that be the purpose for which it was created. Its immortality no more confers on it political power, or a political character, than immortality would confer such power or character on a natural person…The objects for which a corporation is created are universally such as the government wishes to promote.
Justice Story made similar remarks in his concurrence, even citing Stewart Kyd, who wrote an early definitive treatise on the subject. So there is clearly acknowledgement that corporations are artificial persons and only have rights insofar as they are extended explicitly by government–contrast to natural rights of natural persons which are not granted by government, but supposed to be protected by and from government.
What's more, I'm having difficulty finding in the opinions any assertion that corporate persons enjoy every right guaranteed in the Constitution. The only basis of the ruling I can see is that Dartmouth had a contract and states cannot impair contracts per Article I, Section 10. It seems Mr Shields is blowing smoke out of his ass on that one.
But what if corporations had the right to free speech? All rights can still have natural, reasonable limits. Just because you run a business doesn't mean you can engage in unfair or deceptive practices like false advertising, for example (any more than I can libel or slander Bruce Shields). As is, it's certainly defensible to say that states and/or the Federal government have the authority to limit corporate campaign spending, contributions, what have you, since they could crowd out the voices of individual voters (the current Supreme Court's political biases notwithstanding).
Regardless, the whole point of a Constitutional amendment is to create the fundamental legal framework within which Congress can work. So even if the Supreme Court said corporate persons have the exact same rights as actual people, if we add explicit language saying that's not the case, citing Court decisions is moot.
The Saving American Democracy petition ought to be renamed the Trash the First Amendment petition and rejected.
The 14th Amendment provides for equal protection under the law and has been used as the basis of incorporating the 1st Amendment against the states, meaning that freedom of speech, religion, assembly, etc, are sacrosanct at all levels of government. The 1st Amendment wasn't altered, but was expanded.
Similarly, a potential 28th Amendment won't trash individual rights guaranteed in the 1st Amendment. Rather, it would clarify that corporations, being artificial and limited, don't universally enjoy the same rights that we the people do.
We have altered the Constitution a number of times to improve it, or respond to changing and unanticipated conditions. The 12th Amendment fixed our presidential election method due to the rise of political parties. The 13th finally rid us of slavery that forced so many unholy compromises from the beginning. The 16th resolved the conflict between different court decisions on the income tax. To complain about amending the Constitution to adapt to a contemporary environment is to complain about the Constitution itself, which created this mechanism in the first place.
Our goal is to ensure the 1st Amendment will be preserved, and the rights contained therein will be reserved to natural persons, including individual members of corporations. We're just not going to stand any longer for Bruce Shields' convenient fiction of corporate personhood dominating our political processes.
ntodd