I continue to have a lot of lingering fear and anger over the new FISA overhaul and its implications for the future, but amidst it all I have nagging questions over the role in the process and in the debate of our Senior Senator, Patrick Leahy.
Why? Simply that I can’t reconcile why Leahy, for whom concerns over civil liberties has been a signature issue (last year, he was the Vermont ACLU’s Civil Libertarian of the Year), has been disturbingly dualistic on this bill.
And if a glance at the soundbites in play in Barlow’s recent report on the issue has you thinking he hasn’t been, you haven’t been paying close enough attention.
It’s been odd to see the legendarily powerful Chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee so disrespected by Majority Leader Reid, first during the Senate’s first stab at a FISA overhaul that would’ve given retroactive immunity to the telcos, at which time Reid broke with protocol and gave primacy to the Intelligence Committee version which included immunity, effectively rolling over Leahy. Sure, there was the formality of giving the Judiciary version a hearing, but its defeat under that schema was clearly a foregone conclusion. Then there was the case of this most recent bill that did pass, fastracked by Reid right onot the floor when a trip through Leahy’s committee would surely have been in order, given its sweeping change to the court system. It’s all begged the question – was Leahy treated so poorly by Reid because he really is not the power broker that we’ve all been assuming he is?
Or, in the final analysis, was he just not moved strongly enough by what he disliked about the bill to do everything he could to scuttle it in light of what he did like about it?
We’ve taken Leahy to task for speaking in glowing terms of the policy work done on the bill by the likes of Rep. Hoyer and Sen. Rockefeller, who – more than any other two lawmakers – are responsible for the continuing return (and eventual success) of this legislation despite repeated defeats and public marginalization of the underlying issue. The matter was dead, dead, dead – but they brought it backed and pushed it through with very little resistance. While Chris Dodd and Russ Feingold are being praised for their filibuster attempt, many activists seem to have forgotten that Dodd and Feingold had previously intended an Hollywood-style, talk-it-to-death-on-the-floor filibuster – the prospect of which had Majority Leader Reid rightfully concerned about public embarrassment and backlash.
To get a sense of what Leahy really thinks, rather than give him a pass as the traditional media have, lets look at what he actually said. This from Barlow’s article (emphasis added):
Leahy noted that (Sen. Barack Obama) and he had worked together on some provisions when the bill was before the Senate Judiciary Committee and that they both supported the underlining procedural changes.
“We agreed on the FISA changes, but split on the immunity issue,” Leahy said.
And earlier from his press release that opposed the bill, based solely on the immunity provisions:
With respect to the surveillance authorities, I believe the bill represents an improvement over the flawed legislation passed the Senate earlier this year. I applaud Representative Hoyer and Senator Rockefeller for their diligent work in negotiating this package.
Leahy voted in all the right ways on the floor; for all the amendments that would have delayed retroactive immunity, against cloture and against final passage. But to listen to Leahy, what he was working against was retroactive immunity. But the fact is, immunity was far from the only issue in play in the bill. From the ACLU’s public statement announcing their long-shot attempt to overturn the law:
“Once again, Congress blinked and succumbed to the president’s fear-mongering. With today’s vote, the government has been given a green light to expand its power to spy on Americans and run roughshod over the Constitution,” said Anthony D. Romero, Executive Director of the American Civil Liberties Union. “This legislation will give the government unfettered and unchecked access to innocent Americans’ international communications without a warrant. This is not only unconstitutional, but absolutely un-American.”
The FISA Amendments Act nearly eviscerates oversight of government surveillance by allowing the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) to review only general procedures for spying rather than individual warrants. The FISC will not be told any specifics about who will actually be wiretapped, thereby undercutting any meaningful role for the court and violating the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable search and seizure.
The bill further trivializes court review by authorizing the government to continue a surveillance program even after the government’s general spying procedures are found insufficient or unconstitutional by the FISC. The government has the authority to wiretap through the entire appeals process, and then keep and use whatever information was gathered in the meantime.
And again, it is this part of the new law that Leahy repeatedly has spoken in support of. Still, by loudly trumpeting his resistance to the retroactive immunity portion of the bill, he has left the impression that he is on the side of civil libertarians in this matter. From the sound of it, he isn’t.
Anti-FISA overhaul pointman Glenn Greenwald argues that the retroactive immunity is the more egregious part of the law, as it codifies the Congress’s disinterest in/refusal to respect the laws of the land. This Congress has been worse than ineffective in maintaining the rule of law (worse, in this matter, than the previous GOP led Congress). Not content with its own complacency, it has now added complicity by affirmatively stepping in to interfere with the courts as rulings seemed to be going against the Administration. Here’s George Washington University law professor Jonathan Turley on this weekend’s edition of NPR’s On the Media:
We did have one of 3 branches that was functioning – the judicial branch – was in fact looking into the legalities of the programs and exploring the possible injuries that had been done to citizens. what congress effectively did was it shut down that last branch…
…Look what happened: there were 40 lawsuits that were succeeding in court – they just had a ruling by a court that this entire program was unlawful. what was congress’s response? They changed the law and terminated all 40 lawsuits.
But this “lawless society paradigm” argument is still an abstraction. That’s not to minimize it at all, but simply to state that an assessment of its impact will vary from interpretation to interpretation. The rest of the bill, though, is another, more tangible and quantifiable story. As to going forward and the prospect for monitoring any future abuses, Turley has this to say:
The law also allows the president to engage in warrantless surveillance and makes the process very very easy – theres no reason for him to repeat exactly what he did before. Its like solving bank robberies by taking all the doors off the bank. So we really aren’t likely to see telecoms prosecuted because the congress created a law that is almost impossible to violate.
This is the feature of the law that Leahy has no problem with.
It’s very, very hard for me to see how one can support a change to the law that, as the ACLU says “violates the Fourth Amendment and eliminates any meaningful role for judicial oversight of government surveillance” and still consider themselves – or be considered by others – a champion of civil liberties. In light of this, its harder to give Leahy a pass for his sponsorship of the notorious USA PATRIOT Act, or to simply write it off as a case of temporary, post-9/11 insanity. Taken with his support of this wholesale disembowelment of the 4th Amendment, one wonders in there aren’t two Leahys, one a staunch defender of civil liberties, and the other, a force in favor of their congressional trampling. It leaves one to wonder which one may appear during any given debate.
It’s frustrating, and its something we should keep in mind if, as many are suggesting, Leahy may opt not to run for re-election in 2010. He will inevitably be used as the standard in picking a replacement in any Democratic Primary, and we should remind ourselves that – as good as he has been for Vermont and the nation – we can, and should, always be striving to do better.